The Mier Expedition
Gen. Ampudia's Report | Thomas Green | George Lord
Joseph McCutchan | William Stapp | Isaac Kent Zumwalt
Joseph McCutchan | William Stapp | Isaac Kent Zumwalt
Matthew Alexander
John Bradley
William Hopson
Zed (Iceland) Isam
|
*Executed
|
REPORT BY GEN. PEDRO DE AMPUDIA
CONCERNING THE BATTLE OF MIER TO THE SECRETARY OF
WAR AND NAVY, DECEMBER 29, 1842.
Army of the North Corps. First Division.
Most Excel. Sir:
I shall draw up for Y.E. [Your Excellency] an exact description of what had taken place in the battle I gave to the Texans in this town, that commenced on the 25th inst., and concluded at 12 o'clock of the next day, and you may permit me to relate minutely the circumstances in which I had found myself in the fortified city of Matamoros before the battle started, because only by following the order of events from there on, could all the obstacles be surveyed, that I had to overcome in order to defeat the Texan invaders, as well as the merits of the authorities and the citizens who aided me in this enterprise, as fruitful in favorable results, as it was honorable to the National Arms.
Most Excel. Sir:
I shall draw up for Y.E. [Your Excellency] an exact description of what had taken place in the battle I gave to the Texans in this town, that commenced on the 25th inst., and concluded at 12 o'clock of the next day, and you may permit me to relate minutely the circumstances in which I had found myself in the fortified city of Matamoros before the battle started, because only by following the order of events from there on, could all the obstacles be surveyed, that I had to overcome in order to defeat the Texan invaders, as well as the merits of the authorities and the citizens who aided me in this enterprise, as fruitful in favorable results, as it was honorable to the National Arms.
Even since the 14th of last month, when H.E. the Commander in
Chief obtained news of the reunion in Bexar of 3000 adventurers with artillery,
to harass this frontier, he warned me to take indicated measures toward holding
this fortified point and its environments, assigning me a radius up to Colorado
Creek, a scarce 14 leagues -56 miles -, while on his part, he caused the Second
Division to advance from San Fernando to Rio Grande, to block the expected
hostilities. At the same time, he ordered me that 300 infantrymen from the
Division under my command move to Laredo, to escort 20,000 pesos set aside for
me to cover my estimated expenditures for one month, after the four months
during which my Staff and Company Officers, and the troops, had subsisted on
their rations only. Due to the shortages that weighed me down, I could not move
this force in its entirety and could only detach 100 picked Sappers, but I sent
ahead my Adjutant, Battalion Commandant Miguel Aznar, to hurry on by stage to
Laredo, to take charge of this greatly desired remittance, cutting out in
Guerrero 50 well mounted troopers from the Auxiliary Regiment of the Northern
Towns, for the purpose of receiving these funds and bringing them to the said
town of Guerrero, where the Infantry would take then, over and convoy them to
Matamoros.
From Laredo, my above mentioned Adjutant wrote me that the
money had not yet arrived at the outpost, and that according to news received
from General Headquarters, the latter was moving against the Nueces, since the
Texans had already crossed the Rio Frio. Just then, Colonel Canales advised me
in rapid messages dated the 7th and 8th inst., that the town of Laredo had been
captured by the adventurers; that he himself stood in Guerrero without
sufficient ammunition or forces to contain their advance, also that up to that
day, he had received neither supplies nor any communication whatever from Y. E.
the Commanding General. Although these coincidences appeared impossible at first
sight, since over there, to the left, existed respectable forces, among them 500
Cavalry, who could have thrown themselves rapidly against the invaders, I
nevertheless assumed that possibly a part of the enemy was accosting the
Commander in Chief, while the others were devastating and leveling the
settlements in the center of our frontier. Considering that taking advantage of
time and defending these was of the greatest advantage, I ordered that 400
Infantry and two 4-pounder pieces under command of the gallant Colonel Romulo
Diaz de la Vega, should advance by forced marches to join Col. Canales, while
the latter stayed in observation of the enemy. All this was actually carried
out, in spite of a strong incessant downpour, and an absolute lack of resources
that were due to me. But in extraordinary cases, it is unavoidable to undertake
extraordinary measures; I pledged 1500 pesos against the income from the federal
tobacco administration, while it would be collected, to be able to show
something to the troops, and without paying attention to the rain and the muck
that had inundated even the streets of the town, I strained to get moving, and
did it on the 16th. This same day, Mr. Canales sent word to me, that the Texans
had advanced to within sight of the town of Guerrero, and that, in his opinion,
they would occupy it on the next day. This news confirmed my foresight, and
without regard to my broken health, also without losing a minute, I arranged the
defense of Matamoros, leaving the diligent and expert Colonel Parrodi in command
there, and doubling march schedules, I went ahead to direct compaign
operations.
In Reynosa, I met Prefect Jesus Cardenas, who was awaiting my
arrival in order to mobilize all the inhabitants and Auxiliaries who did not
stand in the field already under Mr. Canales. Without a moment's loss, I
organized the citizens of Reynosa and Camargo into Companies, entrusting to the
above leader that he join me when ready, with the precaution of leaving small
squads to observe the invaders at close range. Not taking heed that my Infantry
was worn out to exhaustion, as soon as they had choked down their ration, I
undertook the crossing of San Juan River, a maneuver that started at 4 o'clock
in the afternoon and ended at 2 in the morning, since I had no other means of
transportation than a small raft and two canoes. There, my Adjutant Aznar
reported to me, after having come through the enemy lines, bringing instructions
from H.E. from General Headquarters, that the previously mentioned 20,000 pesos
be delivered in Monterrey instead. In spite of the impression that such an
announcement caused in my subordinates, and of their real weariness, I started
my movement toward that town, and Mr. Canales fell in with me at 4 leagues - 16
miles - toward the Southeast of it, leading the 100 Sappers and 137 horses.
As the enemy had occupied Mier that day, my troops were barely
left time to eat some roasted meat in the ranks before we marched off again,
sending out small parties in all directions to spy out the enemy, so as to
calculate whether I ought to establish myself here for the night, or not. My
spies returned assuring me that the town had already been evacuated by the enemy
who had moved back to his camp at Chapeho on the left bank of the Bravo, 4
leagues - 16 miles - to the Northeast, taking along with him Mayor Francisco
P6rez as hostage until he would receive the ransom demanded. On the strength of
these news, I decided to enter the town, which I did at 8 o'clock that night,
warning my column not to sound any drum or trumpet, to keep our entry secret,
and surrounding myself with small cavalry advance posts, I sent the rest of the
arm to turn their mounts out to pasture, half a league - 2 miles - to the East,
behind a hill.
On the 24th, irked that the enemy did not undertake a new
incursion into this town, I resolved to go and look for him in his encampment
located on both banks of the Rio Bravo, with five large rafts and four canoes as
communication, which craft he had brought with him down river all the way from
Guerrero; but notified on the march that the enemy was moving with the flow of
the river, I too, changed direction by my right flank, to await him at the
confluence of the river and the Alamo that waters this vicinity, choosing that
point as being militarily more advantageous, because of its dominant situation.
There, I remained in ambush nearly an hour, and since the day was drawing to a
close, and at the same time word reached me that the Texans had already come to
a halt at Casas Blancas, I countermarched to Mier to let my men and their
animals get some food, just in case the enemy had planned to occupy the place
tonight. Our scouts captured two Texan spies who, questioned when caught,
admitted that their comrades were determined to wreak depredations on the other
three towns, before reaching the outskirts of Matamoros.
On the morning of the 25th, I set out again toward the
confluence of the rivers; but before reaching it, another two prisoners declared
that they were just concluding the crossing of the Bravo, to occupy the town;
again I turned about and countermarched, and achieved the objectives of my
desires, namely to make the enemy attack me in the base of operations where I
had planned it from the beginning. I ordered Mr. Luciano Garcia in command of
the scouts, to start firing on the enemies alternately, drawing them closer to
my line, and by 7 o'clock at night, the flashes of firing revealed to me the
direction of the enemy's advance. Intentionally, I left unoccupied and at his
disposal a few of the houses close to the lower part of the said Alamo River,
while I emplaced my Infantry on the higher elevations, setting up my two cannon
at the entrances to the town square, toward the side where the affray began.
In a sudden and headlong rush, they tried to penetrate to the
center, but the havoc that greeted them from the rooftops, and the running rain
of projectiles threw them back on the spot. They crenelated various houses and a
deadly exchange of fire commenced, sustained so steadfastly by both armed sides
that, were it not for the solidity and consistency of the buildings due to the
thickness of their walls and the materials of which they were constructed, this
action would have unquestionably concluded very quickly, and would have cost
less victims than the ones sacrificed on the altars of the Fatherland. During
this interval, I disposed that the Cavalry move up to the rear of the Texans, to
prevent them from retreating to the gullies and brambles whence they had
started, taking advantage of the darkness of night and the incessant rain. I
also constantly maintained within the square, a column of 100 Infantry with
bayonets fixed, to lend a hand wherever it might have been necessary. A rainy
dawn broke; and the firing increased progressively on both sides; noticing that
the enemy fire was causing me many losses among my brave men posted on the
rooftops, and that the gunners of one of the pieces were nearly all down, I
ordered the other cannon to be rolled around to my right and the enemy's left,
supported by 70 infantrymen, to molest them more actively by crowding them
together, while at the same time, 100 of the Defenders were to tether their
horses and, taking advantage of the stonewall fences, attack him from the rear.
This measure rendered the results I expected, and the frontal fire instantly
started to grow weaker.
The other cannon, serviced by Sappers, and I myself taking care
of aiming it through a large aperture I had caused to perforate in the Town Hall
wall, likewise contributed to the enemy's loss of the strong corrals where he
had entrenched himself. Unable to reach them with the piece I had thrown against
their left flank, I had it transferred to the hills where the cavalry was
stationed, to strike them from the rear. Pressed from all sides and realizing
that they would be put to the knife at the first signal, for the sake of
humanity and as proof of magnanimity of the Mexican heart, I offered them a
chance to surrender within 5 minutes; they asked that I go over to talk to them,
but the Field and Company Officers who were at my side prevented me from doing
this; in my stead, Colonel Vega did it and at the end of a short conference, he
conceded them, in my name, an hour during which to decide to lay down their arms
at the feet of our intrepid soldiers. At the end of the hour, they acceded, and
with part of our Infantry in battle formation, without the rest of them leaving
their positions, the haughty conquerors started to march past in platoons,
depositing their rifles, pistols and daggers on the ground, in front of the
unconquered and faithful defenders of the integrity of the great Nation to which
we by good fortune belong.
Fearing that I may tire the attention of H. Excel. the
President, and of Y.E., I enclose instead, in a separate folder, the detailed
listing of resplendent merits and important services contributed and rendered
during this notable action I describe, by the gentlemen Field and Company
Officers, and Soldiers of the Army, Auxiliaries, authorities and civilians of
the frontier, requesting that they be remunerated according to justice. I
likewise enclose for Y.E. the nominal lists of prisoners, a statement of arms
they had surrendered, of the dead and wounded we had, of the ammunition
consumed, a description of the material encountered in their camp, and the
original letter that the chief of the Texans, William Fisher, passed on to me
soon after the surrender.
I congratulate the Supreme Government again on this signal
victory, remitting through the bearers, Brevet Colonel, Battalion Commandant
Jose Ma. Carrasco and Ensign Cayetano Ocampo, the only flag found among their
humble equipment that was returned to them, since the garments they wore during
this combat were tattered to little pieces, as I had already notified Y.E. in my
previous note. May Y.E. kindly accept the considerations of my constant
appreciation and profound respect.
God and Liberty. Mier, 29 December 1842. Pedro de
Ampudia (Signature). To the Most Excel. Secretary of War and Navy,
Sir Jose Ma. Tornel.
(From Lamego, Gen. Miguel A. Sanchez. The Second
Mexican-Texas War 1841-1843. Hill Junior College Monograph 7, Texian Press,
Waco, TX, 1972 copied from the metropolitan newspaper "El Siglo Diez y Nueve"
dated on March 1st, 1842).
See also an extract of
McCutchan's description of the battle and surrender at Mier.
As the writer was one of those "poor unfortunates," who were
left at the city of Matamoras unable to travel, he is brought to the necessity
of depending upon oral knowledge relating to those events which he is about to
record in the present chapter. This knowledge, however, has been derived from
the very best authority, among those who were eye witnesses of, and partakers
in, those scenes about to be depicted and for whose integrity the writer would
willingly vouch were it probable that such a voucher would fortify or assist in
the least the truth of the record. Or, at any rate, the writer feels fairly
convinced of the truth of what he writes.
On the 14th of January 1843, the main body of prisoners left
Matamoras for the City of Mexico under the escort of Genl. Canales and seven or
eight hundred of his Rancheros, or citizen soldiers taking the road to Monterey.
On the march, while they were yet in the vicinity of the Rio Grande, there was
an effort made to induce the Prisoners to attempt a Rescue; which, however,
proved fruitless. After a fatiguing march, they arrived at Monterey on the 1st
of February. After a short rest of two or three days, they were again put on the
road and arrived at Saltillo on the 6th 2 without the occurrance of any thing
worthy of note. On the 7th they again took the road, pursuing their march
without any occurrence capable of giving interest and reached "El Rancho
Salado"' (The Salt Farm) on the evening of the 10th of the same month.
There, the writer takes pride in acknowledging it his duty to
record one of the most glorious achievements that adorns the annals of National
History. It was on that night, while the Mexican sentinel dozed at his post or
drowsely uttered the occasional "Sentinella alerto!" and the Mexican
officer slept quietly in his "Serape," that a small band of prisoners
resolved to free themselves, though unarmed and five hundred miles within the
bounderies of an enemies country. The treatment which they received, the harsh
abuses heaped upon them, the insults which were continually offered to their
high and freeborn souls had become to grevious to be borne by such spirits;
therefore, though Death in its most awful forms and Dangers of every kind
hovered near to deter them from the step, a large majority of the Texian
prisoners resolved to free themselves-to enjoy one moment's liberty-although
Death might quickly follow---or perish in the attempt. They understood the
hazards that were to be run. They were not quite two hundred and twenty strong,
without arms-not even a pen knife with which to offend or defend; while their
guard numbered something over Four hundred well armed men, a part of whom were
Cavalry. They had difficulties to surmount, which would, under other
circumstances, have detered any but Texians from taking such a step. To make the
necessary charge, they must pass through two doors, the first of which was not
wide enough to admit of two men passing through at the same time. On each side
of this narrow entrance stood a sentinel. Between that and the second door was a
strong guard. There seems to have been a traitor among the prisoners, for the
conduct of the Mexicans clearly proved that they entertained some idea that all
was not right, which was seen by the alertness of the guard, and more
satisfactorily, by the guard being doubled. (The writer will not say that there
was a traitor among his countrymen, for he wishes not to accuse unjustly; and
least he might, he lets the matter rest.)
But the Rescue had been determined upon, and Capt. Ewing Cameron
chosen as its leader; and on the following morning, when the hour drew near at
which the fearful trial was to be made, although these difficulties and dangers
were clear to every mind, no one that had resolved gave back; not one that had
set his hopes upon his own prowes trembled; and all who had the night previous
given their voices for the rescue, now stood ready to lend it their hands; aye,
and surrender to it their lives! The time of receiving breakfast had been fixed
as the moment for the outbreak. They formed as usual to receive their morning
rations. Cameron stood foremost; an unbroken silence reigned over that daring
band; every eye is turned to the noble Cameron, who stands like a statue, his
head erect, his eye fixed upon vacancy, his nerves steady; no one moves, none
seem excited, but anxiety has a place upon the features all save Cameron. The
moment arrives; his piercing eye lights up, and throwing his timeworn hat far
above his head---the preconcerted signal---he utters the word; the door is
reached placing a hand upon the breast of each sentinel at the narrow doorway
the Lionlike Cameron hurls them far away in opposite directions as the whirlwind
scatters chaff, and with a bound he rushes through the remaining door. The
Texians pour out after their leader. The Mexicans rally for a few minutes, but
it is useless; for the whirlwind impetuosity of the Texians bears all before it.
In a very short time the Texians were masters of the field, and the Mexicans
were scampering away for life. They fought hand to hand, but the struggle was to
deadly to last long. Cameron had instructed his men to kill none of the enemy if
they could avoid it; consequently, there were only five or six Mexicans killed,
and a very few wounded, while the Texians lost five killed and had taken from
the enemy, the efficacy of which and the fear which they impose on the Mexican
people is far inferior to the arms with which Texians go to meet liberties foe.
But we will, hereafter, say more on this subject.
On the twelfth, they, misjudging their policy, left the road
and took to the mountains. To this Cameron was bitterly opposed, but it appeared
to be the general wish of the men and he consented. In that he was to blame, for
he should have assumed the entire command, as he had been chosen for that
purpose, but he was too much given to acceding to the propositions of his men.
Still Captain Cameron cannot be censured; he must not be answerable for the acts
of others. There were two (perhaps more) of the captains who went to Cameron
telling him that if he did not leave the road that they would draw off their
companies and leave the command. Here Cameron was placed in a dellicate and
critical position; he saw that he must either go directly contrary to his own
will, or that he must see a band of brave men, already to small for the
undertaking bursted asunder and cast apart in an enemy's country, where
distruction would soon overtake them. Here were two verry great evils presented
to his view, and he finally concluded to give the reign to his men in preference
to seeing them disunite. Of the two evils he chose the least. No man can be
found who would not have acted the same way under similar circumstances.
On the fifteenth, being in great want of food, and finding a
water hole convenient, but small, they killed their horses and dried the flesh,
or a portion of it. This place furnished them the last water they received, some
for six days, some seven, and others were eight days without a drop of water.
From this place they moved on to gain the pass through the mountains; but,
finally, from exhaustion and want of water (food they had but could not eat) the
desparate became unable to stay in a body. Water was the only wish-the only
cry-Water! Water! Water!!! But none was to be had! They scattered over the small
valleys in serch of water, and thus were taken, unable to resist. The largest
body of them with Cameron at their head were taken on the 25th of Feb. Poor
fellows, they were willing to sacrifice their life! nay more their liberty, for
one sup of water. They were all taken, save sixteen, four of whom came in-the
remainder were missing, and supposed dead. After the recapture they were marched
to Saltillo where they arrived on the second of March.
Conduct of the General Government of Gen. Mahier, Governor
of the State of Saltillo. The cause for the conduct of the General
Government. When they reached Saltillo, the President,
Santa Anna, sent an order to Gen. Meheir, the governor, to shoot every man
without distinction. This was a peremptory order, but the Noble and Generous
Meheir refused to execute it, saying that he would be murderer for no man or
government, for which generous resolution he was removed from his office. Thare,
among those people, was he dishonored for an act which would have raised him in
the estimation of any other people on the globe who bear the credit of
civilization. It is the belief, and it is my opinion, that the cause which, in a
great measure, is to be attributed this determination of the General Government
was that about this time Sam Houston caused Capt. Elliott, "the English Charge
d'affaires to Texas, to write a letter to Packingham," the English Minister to
Mexico, stating that although we had entered on the Expedition contrairy to the
wishes of the Texian government, he (Sam Houston) wished him (Packingham) to see
that we were treated with all the lenity that could be possibly extended to such
men. This gave Santa Anna the power to act as he thought propper. But we will
speak of this hereafter.
We will now return to the narrative. They left Saltillo on the
22nd, handcuffed two and two, and arrived at the Salado on the 25th, where an
order met them for the shooting of one tenth. This was effected in the following
manner; thare being 176 men, thare were 176 beans put into a small pot, 17 of
which number were black-the others of a yellowish cast. Those who were so
unfortunate as to draw the former were shot that evening within hearing of their
companions, who were handcuffed and made to set down, and sentinels drawn up in
front of them with arms presented and express orders to fire on the Texians if
one of them attempted to rise from his position. What an aweful crisis! What a
solemn, heart rendering position for men! They knew that seventeen men must die!
The dread edict had come from the Despot! and they must die! The drawing was
over; the doomed were marched out to receive their death! The only dry eyes in
that little band of Warrier Prisoners were those of the doomed ones! They said
they were willing to die in the cause in which they had fought and which they
loved. The observation of one of them was in effect this---"They murdered my
uncle! they butchered my brother! and now they call for my blood! Let them have
it! Ere this have I seen them drop before my rifle! My death is already well
revenged! Farewell Soldiers of liberty I die content! Farewell!" So went
the brave, the sacrificed men to slaughter, with cheeks unblanced and lips that
quivered not! Thare escaped not a tear from their eyes, nor a sigh from their
lips! but they went like the bridegroom to his bride, the soldier to battle, or
the Saint to Glory.
On the following morning one of the bodies was missing, the
name of which was Shepherd. We afterwards learned that he had received a ball in
each arm breaking the bone and one in the neck, thus he lay untill dark, and
then cralled off. He went to the home of a sheapherd who cured him of his
wounds. He then erroniously went to Saltillo where he was recognized and shot in
the street.
"Poor fellows! Yet better to die than endure such misery as
we have suffered. We know not that they were buried." They lie neglected by
friend and foe; but now carless of the storms of life, they are in a better
world.
The Cause why we were not all Shot.
The circumstance of Gen. Mehier's refusal to obey orders saved the
Mier prisoners from an untimely and bloody death. When Gen. Wady Thomson, the
United States Minister heard of the order of Santa Anna for the death of every
Texian prisoner, he immediately went to Doyle, Her Britanic Majesty's Minister,
and requested his cooperation in saving the Texians. Doyl, at first, refused to
comply, alledging as his reason that "he as the Minister of H. B. M. at Mexico
had no right to interfear in the coarse of justice for men who were outlawed by
their own country, which he said we were, and as a proff he produced the letter
which I have beefore mentioned from Elliott to Packingham. Thompson then
produced the order under which we left our homes, and proved clearly to Doyle
that we had acted under the authority of the Texas Government. From this he
agreed to cooperate with Thompson. They did do so, and we were saved from death
to live a life of misery. The French Minister also told Santa Anna that if he
dared shoot another of the Texian Prisoners he would immediately demand his
papers and return to his Government, for he could not stand a silent spectator
of the most barbarous acts that ever did disgrace civilization. They were acts,
high acts of murder, worthy of barbarians alone. It is probable that the words
of the Minister of France had more influence over Santa Anna than both Thompson
and Doyle, for he well knew if the Frenchman went home it would be but little
time before the Fleet of France would commence opperations on Vera Cruz. He had
previously had ample proof of its efficacy. But there are many officers in
Mexico to whom, if the order had been given, which was given to Mehier, they
would have executed it with such promptitude that foreign powers could not have
effected any good in our behalf. But Mehier, with that spirit of bravery, that
soul of man, said, "So far from these men deserving death, if I had it in my
power, they should have their liberty."
On the morning of the 26th of March they took up the line of
march for San Louis Potosi, where they arrived on the sixth of April. From
hence, they started for the City of Mexico. They arrived at Huehuetoca, on the
twenty-fourth. On the 25th Capt. Ewing Cameron was shot by order of the general
government. I will take occasion to speak more explicitly on this hereafter. On
the evening of the 26th they arrived at the City of Mexico and were put in the
convent Sandiago.
From Journal of the Texian
Expedition against Mier by Gen. Thomas J. Green 1845
(original spelling). March 21st
(1842). The cavalry arrived from San Luis Potosi to guard our men to the city of
Mexico. In the meantime, an order bad reached Saltillo from Santa Anna to shoot
the whole of our men, which was also disobeyed by Governor Mexier. On the 22d
they took up the line of march under command of Colonel Ortis. That night they
reached Aqua Nuevo. On the 23d marched fourteen leagues to San Salvador. Here
their handcuffs were examined, being ironed in pairs, a right and left band of
each two closely fastened with large irons, and the sick also ironed. Now they
began to suspect something wrong, but still hoped otherwise. On the 24th marched
eleven leagues. On the 25th marched early, and arrived at the Salado about 2
o'clock P.M. Soon after they arrived, our men received the melancholy
intelligence that they were to be decimated, and each tenth man shot. It was now
too late to resist this horrible order. Our men were closely ironed and drawn up
in front of all their guards, with arms in readiness to fire. Could they have
known it previously, they would have again charged their guards, and made them
dearly pay for this last perfidious breach of national faith. It was now too
late! A manly gloom and a proud defiance pervaded all countenances. They had but
one alternative, and that was to invoke their country's vengeance upon their
murderers, consign their souls to God, and die like men. Could these martyrs in
liberty's cause, who so proudly yielded up their lives for their country, have
known that their President had endorsed their execution by the most villanous of
all falsehoods, declaring them brigands-great God ! What would have been their
feelings!
The decimator, Colonel Domingo Huerta, who was especially nominated
to this black deed after Governor Mexier refused its execution, had arrived at
Salado ahead of our men. The "Red-cap" company were to be their executioners;
those men whose lives had been so humanely spared by our men at this place on
the l1th of February. The decimation took place by the drawing of black and
white beans from a small earthen mug. The white ones signified exemption, and
the black death. One hundred and fifty-nine white beans were placed in the
bottom of the mug, and seventeen black ones placed upon the top of them. The
beans were not stirred, and had so slight a shake that it was perfectly clear
they had not been mixed together. Such was their anxiety to execute Captain Cameron, and
perhaps the balance of the officers, that first Cameron, and afterward they,
were made to draw a bean each from the mug in this condition. The opposite
plate, sketched by Charles M'Laughlin, who was an eyewitness, and so fortunate
as to draw clear, represents the gallant Cameron in the act of drawing first. He
said, with his usual coolness, "Well, boys, we have to draw, let's be at
it;" so saying, he thrust his hand into the mug, and drew out a white bean.
Next came Colonel Win. F. Wilson, who was chained to him; then Captain Win.
Ryan, and then Judge F. M. Gibson, all of whom drew white beans. Next came
Captain Eastland, who drew the first black one, and then came the balance of the
men. They all drew their beans with that manly dignity and firmness which showed
them superior to their condition. Some of lighter temper jested over the bloody
tragedy. One would say, "Boys, this beats raffling all to pieces;" another
would say that "this is the tallest gambling scrape I ever was in," and
such like remarks. None showed change of countenance; and as the black beans
failed to depress, so did the white fail to elate.
The knocking off the irons from the unfortunate alone told who
they were. Poor Robert Beard, who lay upon the ground near by exceedingly ill,
and nearly exhausted from his forced marches and sufferings, called his brother
William, who was bringing him a cup of water, and said, "Brother, if you
draw a black bean, I'll take your place; I want to die." The brother, with
overwhelming anguish, said "No! I will keep my own place; I am stronger, and
better able to die than you." These noble youths both drew clear, but both
soon after died, leaving this last Roman legacy to their venerable parents in
Texas. Several of the Mexican officers who officiated in this cruel violation of
their country's faith expressed great dissatisfaction thereat, and some wept
bitterly. Soon after, the fated were placed in a separate courtyard, where about
dark they were executed.
Several of our men were permitted to visit the unfortunate
previously to the execution, to receive their dying requests. Poor Major Cocke,
when he first drew the fatal bean, held it up between his forefinger and thumb,
and with a smile of contempt, said "Boys, I told you so; I never failed in
my life to draw a prize;" and then he said to Judge Gibson, "Well,
judge, say to my friends that I died in grace." The judge, much affected at
this last sad parting, showed it from his tears. The major replied "They
only rob me of forty years," and then sat down and wrote a sensible and
dignified letter of remonstrance to General Waddy Thompson, the United States
minister in Mexico; and knowing that his remains would be robbed of his clothes
after his death, drew off his pantaloons, handed them to his surviving comrades,
and died in his underclothes. Poor Henry Whaling, one of Cameron's best
fighters, as he drew his black bean, said, with as bright a look as ever lighted
man's countenance, "Well, they don't make much off me, any how, for I know I
have killed twenty-five of the yellow-bellies;" then demanding his dinner
in a firm tone, and saying "that they shall not cheat me out of it," he
ate heartily, smoked a cigar, and in twenty minutes after was launched into
eternity! The Mexicans said that this man had the biggest heart of any they ever
saw. They shot him fifteen times before he expired! Poor Torrey, quite a youth,
but in spirit a giant, said that "he was perfectly willing to meet his fate;
that for the glory of his country he bad fought, and for her glory he was
willing to die;" and turning to the officer, said "After the battle of
San Jacinto, my family took one of your prisoner youths, raised and educated
him, and this is our requital." Edward Este spoke of his fate with the
coolest indifference, and said that he would rather be shot than dragged along
in this manner. Cash said, "Well, they murdered my brother with Colonel
Fannin, and they are about to murder me."
J. L. Jones said to the interpreter, "Tell the officer to
look upon men who are not afraid to die for their country." Captain
Eastland behaved with the most patriotic dignity; he desired that his country
should not particularly avenge his death, but for her own honour he implored her
never to lay down her arms until the most ample reparation and her unconditional
freedom should be secured. He said "I know that some have thought me timid,
but, thank God! death has no terrors for me." Major Robert Dunham said
"he was prepared to die, and would to God that he had a chance to do the
same thing over again ; that he gloried in the demonstration they had made,
which showed Texians without arms to be more than equal to Mexicans with
them." James Ogden, with his usual equanimity of temper, smiled at his
fate, and said, "I am prepared." Young Robert W. Harris behaved in the
most unflinching manner, and called upon his companions to avenge the murder,
while their flowing tears and bursting hearts, invoking heaven for their
witness, responded to the call. I have the utmost confidence that this pledge,
so solemnly plighted, will be redeemed. They one and all invoked their country
to do both them and herself justice.
Captain Cameron, in taking his leave of these
brave men, and particularly of Turnbull, a brother Scotchman, with whom he had
been in many dangers, wept bitterly, and implored the officers to execute him
and spare his men. Just previous to the firing they were bound together with
cords, and their eyes being bandaged, they were set upon a log near the wall,
with their backs to their executioners. They all begged the officer to shoot
them in front, and at a short distance; that "they were not afraid to look
death in the face." This he refused; and, to make his cruelty as refined as
possible, fired at several paces, and continued the firing from ten to twelve
minutes, lacerating and mangling these heroes in a manner too horrible for
description. Our interpreter, who was permitted to remain with them to the last,
says that "fifteen times they wounded that iron-nerved soul, Henry Whaling;
and it would seem that Providence had a special care in prolonging his
existence, that he might demonstrate to his enemies the national character they
had to contend with; for he gritted his teeth at and defied them in terms of
withering reproach, until they placed a gun to his head and blew his brains
against the wall."
Such was the effect of this horrible massacre upon their own
soldiers, who were stationed as a guard upon the wall above, that one of them
fainted, and came near falling over, but was caught by his comrades. During the
martyrdom of these noble patriots, the main body of our men were separated from
them by a stone wall of some fifteen feet high, and heard their last agonized
groans with feelings of which it would be mockery to attempt the description.
The next morning, as they were marched on the road to Mexico, they passed the
mangled bodies of their dead comrades, whose bones now lie bleaching upon the
plains of Salado, a perishing remembrance of exalted patriotism, but a lasting,
one of the infamy of their President, Sam Houston, who caused them to be falsely
executed as robbers and marauders upon Mexico.
From the Account of
William Preston Stapp 1845. Jaded with the barbarous
stages imposed on us in our fettered condition, and worn down with the severity
of our morning's tramp, we entered our former quarters (the corral of the
ranch), and gladly sought repose for our wearied limbs upon the filthy floor of
the shed that ran round the enclosure. The morning had been clear and beautiful,
and the noon warm to sultriness; but a few miles before we reached the ranch the
sky became suddenly overcast, and fierce gusts of wind came whistling along the
plain, blinding us with clouds of sand, and whirling the heavy leathern caps of
the cavalry from their heads as lightly as though they were children's bonnets.
So sudden and violent a transition of the element around us would have passed
unheeded at any other time or place. But occurring on the eve of our return to a
spot with which we were connected by memories of blood and violence, whose
transactions vague rumor had also associated with some impending atonement,
inspired a presentiment of approaching evil in the minds of most of us. Still
there was nothing either in the communications or deportment of our guard along
the road, to excite the slightest suspicion of their design, and by the time we
had reached our pen and huddled under its shelter, the tempest began to lull and
our apprehensions were departed.
But a few minutes had elapsed before a group of Mexican
officers entered our quarters, and one of them, holding a paper in his hand,
directed the interpreter to summon us around him, when he proceeded to read its
contents in Spanish to the assembled prisoners. As no second order enforcing the
execution of the one from Santa Anna commanding our deaths had been received at
Saltillio, a hope had sprung up amongst many, that some possible clemency might
be in store for them. A few, therefore, of the more sanguine, pushed their way
into the circle, and bent their eager eyes on the reader, half expecting his
communication to be a mandate for our release. Who can describe the thrill of
horror and consternation that electrified every heart, when the interpreter, in
broken and tremulous tones, announced it as an order from the supreme
government, directing every tenth man amongst us to be shot! the lots to be
decided on the instant, and the execution to follow immediately. So entirely
unexpected was this murderous announcement, so atrocious in its character, and
so inhuman and indecent in the haste of its consummation, that a stupor seemed
to pervade the whole assembly, not a word escaping from the lips of any for more
than a minute. The silence was at length interrupted by the interpreter, who, in
obedience to his directions, proceeded to inform us further, that all had been
sentenced to the same fate, but the humane government had been graciously
pleased to commute the just claim to this decimal exaction. A low clatter of the
handcuffs was now heard, as some of the most desperate of our fellows essayed to
free themselves from their shackles. This had been foreseen and provided
against. An order was promptly given us to fall back within the shed, and the
doorway and top of the sunken wall bristled with the muzzles of muskets
presented to enforce it. We were helpless as the bound victim under the
sacrificial knife, and had no alternative but to obey.
Whilst we were marshalled in an extended file, a Mexican
subaltern and soldier entered the yard together, bearing a bench and earthen
crock. The bench was placed before the officer who had communicated the order,
and the crock set upon it, containing one hundred and seventy-four beans, (the
number of prisoners present amongst which were seventeen black ones. A
handkerchief, so folded as to hide the colour of the beans, was then thrown over
the crock, and a list of our names, taken down when we were recaptured, placed
in the hands of the interpreter. When these funeral preliminaries were
completed, the name of our dauntless leader was first called, who, with a step
as stately and brow as serene as he ever previously wore, stepped forward and
drew. Each name continued to be called in their order on the list, and the
individual compelled to draw, until the seventeen black beans were taken from
the crock. When a bean was drawn, it was handed to the officer, and the bowl
well shaken before the lottery proceeded. As they drew, each person's name was
entered upon another memorandum, with the colour of his bean. In many instances
the doomed victim was enforced to revisit the fatal urn, to allow the comrade to
whom he was chained to try the issues of life and death. Appalling as was the
first effect of the order, and rapidly and voraciously as our self-dug graves
yawned around, not a step faltered, nor a nerve shook, as the sickening
ceremonial proceeded. Several of the Mexican officers seemed deeply affected,
shedding tears profusely, and turning their backs upon the murderous spectacle.
Others again leaned forward over the crock, to catch a first glimpse of the
decree it uttered, as though they had heavy wagers upon the result.
Three-fourths of the beans were exhausted before the fatal seventeen were drawn.
When the sacrifice was made up, the victims, names were called over, their
persons scrutinized, and being removed outside, their irons were knocked off. A
few of us were permitted to go out and take a hasty leave of them. A priest had
accompanied the march from Saltillio, who was now present to offer them extreme
absolution; but only two could be prevailed on to accept of his intercession.
Major Robert Dunham, being importuned to confess him to the holy father,
repelled the proposition with warmth, preferring, like a good Protestant, to
shrive himself, which he knelt down and did mutely and earnestly. This brave and
honest man was then solicited by the rest to offer up a prayer in their behalf;
but, as he was about to comply, he was rudely stopped by the officer on duty,
who sternly and profanely forbade it. As the hour of twilight advanced, two
files of infantry, consisting of twenty men each, with the whole of the cavalry,
escorted the doomed party to the eastern wall, selected as the site of their
execution. Here, being made to kneel down, with their faces to their butchers,
they were blindfolded and shot, in two parties, successively, nine first, and
eight soon afterwards. Huddled together in the stalls of the corral, the
surviving prisoners were forced to sit down, and a heavy body of sentinels
placed over us, with their firelocks cocked and at a present, ordered to shoot
the first man who should move or speak whilst the execution was progressing.
Tears forced their way down many a rugged cheek, as, silent and
manacled, we listened to the mournful and plaintive notes of the dead march,
swelling and sinking on the ear, as the procession rounded our prison, to the
eastern flank of the ranch. The wall against which the condemned were placed,
was so near us we could distinctly hear every order given, in halting and
arranging the command for the work of death. The murmured prayers of the
kneeling men, stole faintly over to us---then came the silence that succeeded,
more eloquent than sound-then the signal taps of the drum-the rattle of the
muskets, as they were brought to an aim-the sharp burst of the discharge,
mingled with the shrill cries of anguish and heavy groans of the dying, as soul
and body took their sudden and bloody leave. The names of the victims of this
perfidious and most atrocious tragedy, were (spellings and full names
modified from Stapp):
Major James D.
Cocke Major Robert Holmes Dunham Captain William Mosby Eastland John L. Cash Edward E. Este Robert Harris Thomas L. Jones Patrick Maher |
James Masterson Ogden J. Cristopher M. Roberts William Rowan James L. Shepherd Joseph N. M. Thompson James N. Torrey James Turnbull Henry Whalen Martin Carroll Wing |
In counting the corpses the ensuing morning, the body of the
latter [James L. Sheperd] could not be found, and various were the
strange surmises indulged by the Mexicans and recounted to us in explanation of
its absence. Dead or alive, the vanished priest had the credit of having carried
him off; for what use, none who asserted it undertook to conjecture. Certain it
was he was missing, and his mysterious disappearance continued unexplained to
any of us for months afterwards. Captain C. Buster and one of his men (Toops)
having been left in the mountains, managed to elude the Mexican cavalry, and
succeeded in reaching the banks of the Rio Grande, on their way to Texas. Here,
after all their toils and hardships, their good fortune deserted them; and,
being recaptured by the enemy, they were brought to Saltillio, where in prison
they learned from their gaolers the sad particulars of poor Shepherd's fate.
When kneeling with his unfortunate companions, they received the fire of their
executioners, all were killed or mortally wounded, save Shepherd. The ball aimed
at his head passed along his cheek, cutting his face severely, but inflicting
nothing more than a bad flesh-wound. At the discharge, he fell with the rest of
his companions forward on his face, and bleeding profusely affected to be dead.
Here he lay, without motion or apparent animation, until the soldiers retired,
and, night coming on, immediately escaped to the mountains. Secreting himself by
day, and travelling by night, for several weeks, ignorant of the way, and
restrained by apprehensions of exposure from inquiring, he was at length
compelled, by hunger, thirst, and debility, to surrender himself; and, being
carried to Saltillio and recognised by his former executioners, was led directly
to the public square and shot to death, amidst the pitiless exultations of its
citizens.
The next morning as we left the shambles of the Salado, we
caught a mournful glance of the mangled bodies of our comrades. Their stiffened
and unsepulchred bodies, weltering in blood, lay where they had fallen; whilst
their rigid countenances, pallid and distorted with agony, appealed in death for
retribution on their slayers. And many were the vows of vengeance registered
that moment against their cowardly assassins; and fearfully will they yet be
redeemed, when the hour of atonement rolls round. At the ranch we parted company
with the infantry, who returned to Saltillio; the infamous miscreants having
only been brought thus far to perform the butchers' work agreed upon. These were
the identical heroes whom, with naked hands, we had disarmed and routed the
morning of our break at this place, and who, smarting under a sense of their
disgrace, had petitioned for the brutal employment just despatched. Should a
Texan army ever penetrate to Saltillio, let the memory of this transaction claim
the amplest expiation.
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